Guide Traditional Religion and Guerrilla Warfare in Modern Africa

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Other warlords — especially Boley and the LPC — were also heavily engaged in this business albeit on much smaller scale Pham, ; Sawyer, Production and trade with raw rubber was managed by Firestone in Taylorland with its rulers indirectly profiting through licenses and 'taxes'. Furthermore, various smaller conflicting groups were involved in this business as rubber plantations were nearly everywhere and relatively easy to exploit. However, due to their limited spheres of influence their harvest and trade-volumes were rather small. As an example, in Boley's LPC sold 3, tons illegally harvested raw rubber for about 1.

Export destinations were mostly Europe and Southeast Asia. By far most important were Liberia's plenty gold and diamond deposits which were often exploited manually on very small scale. All conflicting groups and warlords made strong efforts to gain access to these highly profitable resources.

Most successful were again Taylor and the NPFL who controlled during Greater Liberia's peak of power most of the country's — and part of Sierra Leone's — alluvial deposits and mines. Although Liberia officially exported only 2. The whole dimension of this trade is difficult to trace back as it was rather secretive. Nevertheless, middlemen helped to arrange contact to the global markets — especially to financially strong customers in Europe Atkinson, Even more secretive than the trade with 'blood-diamonds' was the drug-business in which most conflicting groups were equally engaged for same reasons.

Marihuana could be cultivated well and with few efforts in the humid environment of Liberia's tropical rainforests. This allowed particularly weaker and less organised factions to exploit this easy source of income. At a later stage, the NPFL directly traded drugs to customers in overseas, especially to the US, where members of the Liberian Diaspora in inter alia Staten Island, New York, New Jersey and Philadelphia had the right connections and assisted in creating and opening local and regional distributive networks.

Although no data is available regarding total exports and profits, the drug-business must have been large-scaled and highly lucrative. Not last, illicit trade with rare pieces of African art and antiquities was part of the Liberian war-economy and thus a — for sure very marginal — source of income for acquainted warlords. By the mid of s, a splinter-group of ULIMO was systematically searching for these artefacts and its leader Kromah successfully sold stolen pieces via middlemen to the global antiquities-market Ellis, Infrastructure such as major transport routes, harbours, airports and big cities were the war-economy's interface to the rest of the world and functioned as trade-hubs.

The harbour-cities Monrovia, Buchanan und Gbarngba suited for large-scaled shipment of timber, iron-ore and raw rubber. Airports — later even simple runways in the jungle — were mainly used for the import of weapons and export of diamonds, precious metals and drugs Vines, Loss of control over these centres caused severe cut-offs from trade networks.

For this reason they were highly embattled. Several conflicting parties and warlords forcefully expanded their spheres of influences to promising, unexploited regions — even across national borders — in order to siphon off additional internal and external sources of income there. The violation of neighbouring country's territorial integrity in combination with resource exploitation and plunder destabilised the affected nations and even dragged Sierra Leone — and nearly Guinea — into the Liberian War Ellis, f; Williams, f.

ISBN 13: 9780312127152

Although total figures vary, Taylor and the NPFL doubtlessly profited most from the war-economy and the international trade with illicit conflict-resources Reno, 99; Sawyer, Figures that highlight his central position as main profiteer of the Liberian war-economy and conflict. With this 'formal authorisation', Liberia's most famous warlord had the key to exploit the country's riches much easier, extensively and recklessly Sawyer, Summarising the findings, one can conclude that the persistency of the 'Great War' in Liberia roots in the combination of very favourable preconditions.

The violently induced collapse of an already disintegrating state in combination with social grievances and ethnic tensions created an anarchic environment which became the breeding ground for countless violent non-state actors, warlords and particularly the emerging war-economy. Warfare in Liberia was cheap due to inexpensive military equipment and an over-supply of potential fighters. The reason for their brutal conduct can be best explained against the background of the war-economy's internal sources of financing.

Robbery and plunder were main sources of income for fighters and smaller conflicting groups and significantly contributed to the cheapness of warfare and thus duration of the conflict. Nevertheless, most important for fuelling the conflict were the war-economy's very diversified external sources of income as they provided the majority of financial and material inflows and kept the whole system running. Taking advantage of Liberia's plenty of conflict-resources and the uncritical demand in overseas, numerous warlords — with Taylor on top — enriched themselves and turned particularly 'blood-diamonds' into weaponry to continue warfare and maintain their comfortable status.

Thus armed conflicts with the mentioned characteristics are likely to smoulder endlessly until they either virtually burn out or till their main sources of fuelling are cut-off by international embargos or military intervention. The end of the Liberian bloodshed, leaving , dead and 1. Taking many into consideration, a warlord is a local strong man able to autonomously control a territory by means of violence and warfare without being dependent on a superior, central authority Le Billon, This added to the dissatisfaction of the higher educated young generation Mgbeoij, Adebajo, A.

Liberia's Civil War. Boulder, London: Lynne Rienner Publishers. The war economy in Liberia: a political analysis. The State in Africa. The Politics of the Belly. London, New York: Longman. Liberia and Sierra Leone. An Essay in Comparative Politics. Cambridge, London: Cambridge University Press. Power in Africa. An Essay in Political Interpretation. Houndmills, London: Palgrave MacMillan. Clausewitz and African War. Politics and strategy in Liberia and Somalia. New York: Frank Cass Publishers.

The Mask of Anarchy. New York: C. Worlds of Power. Religious Thought and Political Practice in Africa. Oxford: C. Liberia: Back to the Future. What is the future of Liberia's forests and its effects on regional peace? London, Washington: Global Witness Publishing. In: Turton, D. Global Connections and Local Violence. Studies on the Nature of War. San Marino: University of Rochester Press, pp. The Liberian Civil War. London, Portland: Frank Cass Publishers. Neue und alte Kriege.


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In: Berdal, M. Economic Agendas in Civil Wars. Boulder, London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, pp. In: Rotberg, R.

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Die politische Dimension regionaler Integration in Westafrika. In: WeltTrends Ed. Staatsversagen und politische Organisation jenseits des Staates. Fuelling War: Natural resources and armed conflict. Adelphi Paper In: Ruf, W. Staatszerfall und die Privatisierung von Gewalt und Krieg. The Evolution of Deadly Conflict in Liberia. From 'Paternaltarianism' to State Collapse. Durham: Carolina Academic Press. The youth factor in Africa's armed conflicts".


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In: African Security Review Vol. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. In: Jean, F. Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, pp. The Violence of Democracy. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Der Wandel des Krieges. Von der Symmetrie zur Asymmetrie. Die neuen Kriege. Hamburg: Rowohlt Taschenbuch Verlag. Portrait of a Failed State. New York: Reed Press. Warlord Politics and African States. In: Ballentine, K. The Political Economy of Armed Conflict.

Beyond Greed and Grievance. Breakdown, Prevention, and Repair". Beyond Plunder. Toward Democratic Governance in Liberia. Greed and Grievance. In: Sesay, A. Ibadan: College Press Publishers, pp. Die regionale Tragweite des Konflikts in Liberia. Eine Hintergrundanalyse". In: Afrika im Blickpunkt. Liberia Working Group Papers, No. In: African Security Review , Vol. In: Friedenswarte , Vol. In: International Affairs , Vol. The Heart of Darkness. Victoria: Trafford Publishing. Liberian Civil War.

A Graphic Account. Philadelphia: Parkside Impressions Enterprises. The soldiers were told by this agent that "the orders were to kill them all", never mind that only civilians, women and children included, were found. The massacre was recounted in July by the British Catholic priest, Father Adrian Hastings , and two other Spanish missionary priests.

Cabrita's report was published in the Portuguese weekly newspaper Expresso and later in a book containing several of the journalist's articles. Henricksen in This change in tactic led to protests by Portuguese settlers against the Lisbon government, [34] a telltale sign of the conflict's unpopularity. Combined with the news of the Wiriyamu Massacre and that of renewed FRELIMO onslaughts through and early , the worsening situation in Mozambique later contributed to the downfall of the Portuguese government in A Portuguese journalist argued:.

In Mozambique we say there are three wars: the war against FRELIMO, the war between the army and the secret police, and the war between the army and the secret police, and the central government. Back in Lisbon, the 'Armed Revolutionary Action' branch of the Portuguese Communist Party , which was created in the late s, and the Revolutionary Brigades BR , a left-wing organisation, worked to resist the colonial wars. They had carried out multiple sabotages and bombings against military targets, such as the attack on the Tancos air base that destroyed several helicopters on March 8, , and the attack on the NATO headquarters at Oeiras in October of the same year.

The attack on the Portuguese ship Niassa illustrated the role of the colonial wars in this unrest. Niassa named after a Mozambican province was preparing to leave Lisbon with troops to be deployed in Guinea. By the time of the Carnation Revolution, , draft dodgers had been recorded. Fighting colonial wars in Portuguese colonies had absorbed forty-four percent of the overall Portuguese budget, [34] [38] [39] which led to a diversion of funds from infrastructural developments in Portugal, contributing to the growing unrest in the European nation.

With the change of government in Lisbon, many soldiers refused to continue fighting, often remaining in their barracks instead of going on patrol. Many Portuguese colonials were not typical settlers in Mozambique. While most European communities in Africa at the time — with the possible exception of Afrikaners — were established from the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries, some white families and institutions in those territories still administered by Portugal had been entrenched for generations.

Samora Machel became Mozambique's first president. With the departure of Portuguese professionals and tradesmen, Mozambique lacked an educated workforce to maintain its infrastructure, and economic collapse loomed. Industrial and social recession , Marxist -style totalitarianism , corruption, poverty, inequality and failed central planning eroded the initial revolutionary fervour. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Mozambican War of Independence.

Portuguese Colonial War. Angola Guinea-Bissau Mozambique. Portuguese colonial campaigns. Part of a series on the. Independence movements Jews Postal history Rail transport. By province. By city or town. Main article: History of Mozambique. Main article: Operation Gordian Knot. Africa portal War portal. Page Policy Toward Libya —, Page 5. Nordic Journal of African Studies. Retrieved May 12, The Israeli connection: Whom Israel arms and why , pp.

IB Tauris, Opello, Jr. Issue: A Journal of Opinion, Vol. Mozambique , The Catholic Encyclopaedia. Henriksen, Remarks on Mozambique , , p. Retrieved on March 10, Archived November 1, Available on Google books. University of Pretoria. A Esfera dos Livros, Lisbon. Jundanian Resettlement Programs: Counterinsurgency in Mozambique , , p.

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Traditional Religion and Guerrilla Warfare in Modern Africa

Maxwell, The Making of Portuguese Democracy , , p. Bowen, Merle. Remarks on Mozambique , Legvold, Robert. Portugal — The Impossible Revolution? Newitt, Malyn. Wright, George.


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Belfiglio, Valentine J. Retrieved on March 10, Cooper, Tom. Retrieved on February 16, Frelimo , Britannica. In fact, from the first hours of the uprising and throughout the entire process that followed until the national situation was normalised as a constitutional and politically free democratic regime, the main objectives of Democratisation, Decolonisation and Development were never questioned by significant sectors of the population. In addition to the climate of freedom previously experienced in , the usual demoralisation that comes at the end of a war that has not been won although not lost either , was now felt in the ranks, increasing the prevailing level of indiscipline even more.

The MFA Armed Forces Movement itself, which had momentarily conceived of itself as a Third World-style liberation movement Oliveira, quickly became an arena for the confrontation of different political and military opinions and actions, with loyalties that went beyond the established hierarchies. It can also be understood how, in other situations, nationalist soldiers who felt they had received little recognition from their political leaders corrupt monarchies, puppet governments, etc.

This was what happened successively in Turkey, 16 Egypt, Iraq, Libya, etc. In countries recently freed from colonialism in Africa from Algeria to several in sub-Saharan Africa , in particular those where guerrilla warfare had taken place, the army also played an important role, together with the single party. In any case, in the Portuguese political process that began in this ideological current showed no desire to intervene in the course of events see Freire , and Their generosity and loyalty to a certain idea of the Portuguese people cannot be questioned.

However, it is legitimate to examine their public behaviour and try to understand the deep-rooted reasons for it — whether pleasant or not. In this sense, it would seem that, in addition to the more obvious causes already identified and generally invoked war fatigue, etc. As already noted, this had been laboriously constructed during the 19 th century, and was the basis of the heavy involvement of the troops with Republicanism and later with the Salazar regime.

Once again, it has something to do with the loss of confidence in the main state leaders yesterday, the ageing charismatic leaders; today, the allegedly corrupt politicians and a lot to do with the general cosmopolitanism that has emerged everywhere with music, cinema, novels, TV, tourism, international marriages, and now the Internet…. It is also linked to the changes observed by Janowitz and Moskos and Wood , which supposedly tended to make them closer to efficient professionals, one step away from security specialists and two steps away from the old mercenaries.

Was it the political conditions of the time that made this difficult? Society has imposed substantial cultural changes, including women in the army, multiculturalism, equality, associations, etc.

What is Guerrilla Warfare?

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